If Sir Oliver Letwin had lost his amendment to ask the EU for another extension, the Right Honourable could be known as Sir Oliver LetLost.
As it is, the MP for the constituency of West Dorset, which voted to leave the EU in the referendum, is going down in history on the Tory front bench as Sir Oliver GetLost.
It is no surprise Sir Oliver introduced his cross-party amendment wrecking Boris Johnson’s chance of putting his new Brexit deal to the Commons at today’s Super Saturday sitting.
The former minister is standing down at the next election, and thus avoids the likelihood of being personally told to get lost for his repeated attempts to thwart Brexit.
Sir Oliver – who said he would vote for the new deal personally – insists his move was to ensure the UK does not leave the EU on Halloween without a deal. Some are likening his move to the French Defence; named after French chess players whose reputation was built on using black pieces in a sharp, counterattacking weapons against white pieces.
If Sir Oliver does like the deal, this was a funny way of showing it, giving as it did the DUP MPs and Tory rebels a perfect weapon with which to express their anger.
Eight of the 21 former Conservative MPs the prime minister withdrew the Tory whip from last month – including ex-cabinet ministers Philip Hammond, David “Uncork” Gauke and Justine Greening – also backed Sir Oliver’s amendment.
If the DUP’s 10 MPs had voted against his motion, the government would have scraped home.
The amendment means the Commons will not be able to approve the Prime Minister’s new deal until after the Withdrawal Bill legislation has been put before parliament.The big showdown on the new deal is likely to come on Tuesday, in a second reading vote on the implementation legislation.
While Boris Johnson may have been temporarily cornered, he remains undaunted. The Prime Minister maintains he will refuse to ask the EU for another delay. The Leader of the House of Commons, Jacob Rees-Mogg, says the government will attempt to stage another meaningful vote on the Brexit agreement on Monday.
If Johnson does not ask for an extension by 11pm tonight, as required by the Benn Act, he may have to go to the courts to make his case. This is what he said: “I will not negotiate a delay with the EU and neither does the law compel me to do so. I will tell our friends and colleagues in the EU exactly what I have told everyone in the last 88 days I have served as prime minister; that further delay will be bad for this country, bad for the EU and bad for democracy.”
At this stage, it’s unclear which road Johnson will take: to extend or not to extend. If he does ask for an extension, he breaks his own “do or die” promise of leaving by October 31.
Even then, it’s a sort of victory, as he can show that he’s been scuppered by Labour, LibDems, the SNP and a few of his own party against the majority of the public.
However, the PM’s latest comments that he will not seek another extension appears to contradict what he said earlier in the day, while making his statement to MPs presenting his new Brexit deal. “Whatever letters they may seek to enforce the Government to write, it cannot change my judgement that further delay is pointless, expensive and deeply corrosive of public trust.”
Odds on, he will now be seeking legal clarity over whether a letter asking for an extension to Article 50 is indeed necessary.
Johnson will have taken heart from the immediate noises coming out of Brussels. Several EU leaders said they did not see the passing of Sir Oliver’s amendment as a rejection of the new deal negotiated between Johnson and the EU.
Even if Johnson were to seek an extension, it is still not clear whether EU leaders will agree to give the UK another extension. They are as eager for the deal to be approved as he is. Whether that is for the right reasons is another matter.
Sir Oliver’s victory was a devastating blow to what turned out to be a disappointing debate about Johnson’s new deal considering the gravity of the situation.
There were highlights, and they were from a tiny few on the Tory front bench. The Prime Minister delivered a blinder of an opening statement. Michael Gove was his usual brilliant self when it comes to knocking out the “big speech” and his point about there not being a perfect Brexit was a relief to hear.
Johnson was on his best form yet in the Chamber, honest about how the UK has always had a part-time, half-hearted relationship with the EU over the past 50 years. Yet he was friendly too towards our EU partners and how our future relations are built on shared values and a shared legacy. His efforts to present his new deal as one which would reconcile the 48% who did not vote for Brexit was spot-on.
It felt as though this at last was the real Boris speaking, the one that has been hiding inside the clown for all these years. If only he spoke with such candour all the time, he might be believed more often.
Steve Barclay, the Brexit secretary, had a good innings, striking the right mood by tipping his hat to the late Mo Mowlem, Labour MP who helped put together the Good Friday Agreement, and to Lord Trimble, who backs the deal despite the DUP’s backsliding.
What was most surprising about the session was the total lack of conviction from the Remainers on either the Labour, LibDem, SNP or indeed, Tory rebel, benches. Within a few moments of Jeremy Corbyn speaking, I had forgotten what he said. Jo Swinson needs to go back to her school debating society to learn how to frame an argument rather than repeating people’s vote lines ad nauseam while Ian Blackford should change the reel in his recorder.
Even Remainers must tire of hearing this Groundhog Dog repetition. There was not one MP – not even the most europhile of all, Kenneth Clarke – who stood up and explained why the UK should stay in the EU because it is such a great institution.
They were left, like Luciana Berger, who has crossed from Labour to the LibDems, bickering about why there has been no economic assessment from the Treasury.
The best answer – that Johnson missed a trick by not providing – was to say that the IMF’s chief economist predicts that any damage done to the UK by Brexit has already been done, and that we will grow faster than France and Germany over the next few years.
This left the only real substance of debate to be about whether there will be a level playing field for workers and environmental rights in a Future Trade Agreement, which, if this deal is passed, will be negotiated over the next 14 months.
It doesn’t matter how many times Johnson – and his colleagues – persist in their promises that workers and environmental rights will be maintained, the other side do not want to hear them. It is not even that they don’t believe them, they don’t want listen. It suits them better that way.
Keir Starmer, the shadow Brexit secretary, was able to fan the fears, claiming that if the government does not get an FTA in the 14 months transition period, the country will crash out and the country will go to hell in a handcart, whizzed back to feudal times.
At best, Starmer was disingenuous. Some would say he was lying, particularly on animal welfare where the single market rules actually prevent the UK from banning the transport of livestock.
But he was able to insinuate that the nasty Tories will put children back down the mines, coal will be put back into our fires and factories and no one will be allowed more than a few days off a year in holiday. Oh, and we will all be force fed chlorinated chicken.
It doesn’t matter how much Johnson insisted that not only would the government ensure that all rights are protected – and that we lead the world on many of these rights – but would look to raise standards. Indeed, on animal welfare, the UK would go further than the EU.
But smoothy chops Starmer kept up the heat. It’s an area whether the government – and the Tories – are weak and they need to build up some muscle.
Thank goodness then for Labour’s Caroline Flint who was one of the few in the Chamber today who spoke any sense. Flint, one of the six Labour MPs who voted against the amendment who has said she will vote for the deal, pointed out that many of the single market regulations on workers’ rights were holding back opportunities for workers in the UK. “On workers’ rights, the EU is not God,” she said. It was the best line of the day.