Support for Labour appears to be an intractable mile wide. But how deep does it really run? What is happening with the undercurrents of public opinion? What is happening to our national culture, which underpins politics?
A resplendent and gracious Princess. A wonderful wife and mother: a paladin of courage in adversity. We are so fortunate to have her. God Bless the Princess of Wales. There will be some carping, whining misery-gutted malcontents who cannot bear the Royal Family and its deep roots in public respect and affection. But the silent majority are rallying round, at home and abroad. Over the weekend, I ran into some Europeans. They were effusive on the subject: how lucky you Brits are to have your Monarchy. In reply, there was nothing to say – except profound, heartfelt agreement. God Bless them all.
This is, of course, far deeper than party politics. But one cannot help concluding that the UK is, au fond, a conservative country. Apropos Divine blessings – and national conservatism – what imbecile felt that it would be a good wheeze to tamper with the Cross of St George? Cry God for Harry, England and St George. Apologies to the other nations in the United Kingdom, but we – I speak as a Scot – have our own flags and banners, plus a full share in the Union Jack. That said, we could envy the English. Their flag is at least as beautiful as any in the world. So let the English enjoy that war banner, especially when they are playing the French.
There is a further point. In the 1966 football World Cup, the English went into battle under the Union Jack. In those days, I suspect that if anyone had asked a fan why they were not flaunting the Cross of St George, the answer would have been: “What’s that?”
So how did St George’s emblem move from the Church steeple to the white-van man’s bonnet? Was it in part a reaction to Scottish nationalism? Whatever the explanation, it appears to have been a genuine expression of popular culture, as opposed to some sociologist’s fantasy about the working class as a vanguard of socialist change. Needless to say, no sociologist ever appears to have taken any interest in the topic. No doubt the blatherskite who decided to tamper with this ancient and glorious symbol was sociologist-trained and thus too cloth-eared to expect the reaction that it would arouse. I trust that they have now learned some practical sociology.
Again, this goes beyond party politics. Keir Starmer found himself agreeing with Rishi Sunak. But one could conclude that the public reaction is one of small-c conservatism. The Conservative party needs to ponder all that, for it has not yet found a way of expressing its cultural allegiances and its disdain for wokery. Many Conservatives are reluctant to take the lead for fear that they would be accused of racism, sexism, disrespect for Diane Abbott, membership of the Garrick Club or some other unforgivable social atrocity.
There is also the hope that all this nonsense will surely pass, like the midsummer night’s dream, and that the realm of common sense will reassert itself. There have been some successes, such as the closure of the Tavistock Clinic, famous for destabilising adolescents who may start out with sexual anxiety – then the trick-cyclists get to work and real trouble follows. Equally, Justin Welby has drawn a line and announced that it is not a good idea for the Church to employ those charged with deconstructing white maleness. We can only hope that they are not redeployed into deconstructing Christianity – or perhaps all those posts have already been filled.
Even so, despite occasional exceptions, commonsense is on the defensive. In universities, museums, art galleries and ordinary workplaces, livelihoods are under threat, humorous exchanges that would have been commonplace even ten years ago are virtually prohibited, while the diversity Stasi run amok. Nobody wants this, except for HR types who could not get any other job. The dry tinder of revolt is waiting for the right leadership to light the flame. Rishi Sunak himself should take the lead with Kemi Badenoch as the obvious lieutenant. It could be one of the easier political battles to win.
It would also reinforce the principal economic front. Between now and the election, Keir Starmer will be claiming that Britain is broken: beset by economic woes, crumbling public services, inequalities et al. Asked what he proposes to do about these crises, there is no onrush of eloquence. In Jonathan Miller’s TV production of Alice in Wonderland, the Frog Footman tells Alice: “I can do nothing for you. I cannot do nothing just at the moment, but I hope to do nothing as soon as possible.” Keir Starmer clearly thinks that he can emulate the Frog Footman: promise nothing, and rely on the mile-wide gap.
The PM has to counter this by asserting that Britain is not broken. There certainly have been problems but unlike Labour he is coming up with solutions. The corner is turning and we will cure other ailments by cancelling wokery.
It may not be an easy battle to win. But it should not be an impossible offensive to launch.
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